In an extensive interview conducted by ZEIT journalists Ulrich Ladurner and Bernd Ulrich, Ursula von der Leyen, President of the European Commission, articulates with striking clarity the nature of Europe’s unfolding transformation in a world increasingly unmoored from post-Cold War certainties. Marked by relentless crises—ranging from the global pandemic and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine to the resurgence of geopolitical disorder and a second term of Donald Trump—the European Union, under von der Leyen’s leadership, is attempting a dramatic realignment, both internally and globally. Her account reveals a continent that has moved beyond passive integration and technocratic governance, embracing a decisive role in shaping an emerging and volatile world order.
Von der Leyen acknowledges that her term has been nothing short of historic. Barely 90 days into her tenure, the World Health Organization declared the COVID-19 outbreak a global pandemic, throwing the EU into an unprecedented health and economic crisis. Before full recovery could commence, Vladimir Putin’s full-scale war against Ukraine upended the European security architecture, followed swiftly by the continent’s worst energy crisis in modern history due to Russia’s weaponisation of gas exports. Now, she confronts a third rupture: a crisis across the Atlantic with the United States, where President Donald Trump’s re-election has fundamentally destabilised the transatlantic alliance. Nevertheless, von der Leyen insists that these successive catastrophes have forged a more cohesive and ambitious Europe, one that has not only survived the trauma but redefined itself through each ordeal.
Von der Leyen diagnosed the geopolitical context with stark realism. The post-1990 liberal consensus, based on the assumption that economic and political liberalisation would naturally converge, has collapsed. The belief in an inevitable march toward global democratic convergence, embodied in the idea of the “end of history,” has given way to a renewed contest for global power. The world has shifted from an assumed “order” to a dynamic disorder, shaped by the antagonism between the U.S. and China and aggravated by Russia’s imperial ambitions. In response, von der Leyen argues, Europe must evolve into a sovereign geopolitical actor. The time for inward focus has passed. The new imperative is outward engagement, strategic self-reliance, and an assertive redefinition of the global rules of the game.
She outlines two central pillars for Europe’s evolution: defence autonomy and economic competitiveness. The once-taboo notion of joint military development has become a reality, with the EU now deploying €800 billion in funding for defence capabilities—a figure unimaginable before the war in Ukraine. All 27 member states are now unified in strengthening Europe’s defence industrial base, creating a strategic depth independent of Washington. Simultaneously, there is a shared commitment to transforming Europe’s economic posture, not merely through innovation but through resilience—building secure supply chains, fortifying internal markets, and establishing reciprocal global trade relationships.
In this new global disorder, Europe has emerged as the most consistent and credible custodian of liberal-democratic values. When asked whether she now leads the “free world,” von der Leyen deflects the label but accepts the responsibility. She highlights the reality that Europe has not only absorbed but answered crises: from the eurozone banking collapse and the 2015 migration shock to Brexit and COVID. Each event tested the EU’s political structure, and each time, Europe adapted and deepened its integration. What has emerged is a pattern of crisis-induced consolidation. Crucially, the EU has done this through collective action—a principle von der Leyen reiterates as essential to the bloc’s endurance and legitimacy.
Her conception of “Europe” also stretches beyond the legal boundaries of the EU. She underscores how the current geopolitical conjuncture has driven closer collaboration with countries like Norway and the UK, especially on defence, energy, trade, and migration. The EU’s gravitational pull is extending not merely because of treaty provisions but because of a shared vision of democratic governance and social cohesion.
Von der Leyen stressed that the post-war construct of “the West” is outdated. Today’s reality is multipolar. Europe’s friendships span continents—from Iceland to New Zealand, Canada to the UAE, India to Mexico. These states see the EU as a partner of predictability, a source of reliable rules, and a bulwark of stability amid global flux. While von der Leyen maintains her Atlanticist loyalties, she is blunt about the necessity of moving beyond reliance on the U.S. Thirteen percent of global trade flows through the U.S., she reminds us, but 87 percent does not. Europe must now systematically cultivate relationships with the rest of the world—not out of ideological estrangement from Washington, but out of pragmatic necessity.
The transatlantic tariff disputes are emblematic of this recalibration. As trade frictions with the U.S. mount—particularly under Trump’s protectionist agenda—von der Leyen underscores the need for clear-eyed negotiation. She lays out four strategic axes: engage in talks, prepare symmetrical countermeasures, block market flooding from Chinese surplus goods, and deepen the EU single market. In doing so, she rejects the binary that Europe must choose between America or China. The goal is diversification of partnerships and a sharp reduction in one-sided dependencies, whether for energy, technology, or military hardware.
This rationale extends to the digital economy, where U.S. firms dominate 80% of services. Von der Leyen is explicit: Europe, as a vast and affluent market, deserves reciprocity. If Washington demands parity in physical goods, Europe has equal grounds to demand fairness in the digital domain. Tariffs on U.S. digital giants are thus not a threat, but a logical part of the negotiation framework. When U.S. politicians like J.D. Vance respond with nuclear sabre-rattling, threatening to withdraw the American nuclear umbrella, von der Leyen remains unfazed. All negotiations, she notes, operate under the principle that nothing is agreed until everything is agreed.
Asked whether the NATO Article 5 guarantee still holds, she answers unequivocally: yes. And yet, she is also realistic about the need for autonomous capacity. Putin’s war has backfired spectacularly—Kyiv did not fall, Ukraine did not collapse, and NATO expanded with Finland and Sweden’s accession. Europe must demonstrate the stamina to sustain support for Ukraine long-term, not only to counter Russia but to show that Western solidarity is not ephemeral.
Von der Leyen’s critique of American fragility is understated but unmistakable. Europe’s democracies, she reminds us, are younger, but their memories of dictatorship and foreign repression are fresher. Countries like Portugal, Spain, and Greece still recall life under authoritarian rule. This living memory reinforces the value of democracy and creates a shared sense of vigilance. Europe’s middle class is broader and more resilient, its inequalities less extreme than in the United States. This provides a form of social ballast that resists the centrifugal forces of polarisation. And yet, she warns, external actors—especially Russia—are actively exploiting digital platforms to amplify division. European democracy is not immune to subversion, but it is structurally more buffered.
When asked whether the EU can “tame the evil spirits within”—a reference to far-right populism—von der Leyen is confident. The solidarity and collective action demanded by recent crises have made the benefits of European unity unmistakably clear, even to those who previously campaigned against it. Giorgia Meloni and Marine Le Pen may have softened their stance not because their ideology has changed, but because their national interest has become inseparable from European integration. For von der Leyen, this is not just political victory—it is proof that the European ideal remains viable.
Her vision of Europe is unapologetically idealistic. “We have no bros and no oligarchs,” she declares. The EU does not conquer its neighbours, it does not punish its members. Instead, it offers a model in which children go to good schools regardless of their parents’ wealth, emissions are lower, life expectancy is higher, and open debate flourishes in universities. Europe is not merely a market or an alliance—it is a civilisation, a home. One that 150 million people in accession countries aspire to join.
Von der Leyen also rejects the notion that the EU is inherently bureaucratic or ineffective. Yes, the legislative process is complex. But this deliberative character becomes an asset during crises, when broad-based legitimacy enables swift and unified action. Indeed, during the energy crisis, EU coordination achieved outcomes—like joint gas purchasing platforms and market interventions—that were unthinkable before. Similar transformations have occurred in health and defence. These developments did not require treaty changes. They required political will.
Even on climate, which might seem peripheral amid wars and trade disputes, von der Leyen insists that the EU remains resolute. The carbon trading mechanism (ETS1) has proven successful, and its expansion (ETS2) will proceed—but only if accompanied by social protections to shield vulnerable citizens. Decarbonisation is not just a moral imperative—it is a geopolitical and economic opportunity. While the U.S. may vacillate, China and the Gulf States are betting heavily on clean tech, and Europe leads in green innovation.
Europe, for von der Leyen, is a project in motion: pragmatic, resilient, and increasingly self-aware. It is far from perfect, but its layered governance, balanced power structures, and embedded solidarities provide a unique architecture of stability in a fragmented world. While others spiral into internal conflict, Europe adapts. In that, she sees not only vindication but a model for the democratic community of the 21st century.
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